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What mars the truth and progress in Moldova?

Added by GordonAten on Apr 25, 2010 | Visited by 6348 | Voted by 102 persons

A year ago on April 7th, 2009, young protesters on the streets of Moldova have made the whole world talk about this small country, which for 8 long years has been ravaged by a corrupt communist regime. Images of burning Parliament and President’s office, of violent clashes between youth and police forces, of police retaliation in the night, as a result of which a few people have died and hundreds of others have been thrown into prisons and abused and tortured, will probably forever remain in the history of new Moldova.

After another election in July 2009 the young democratic parties have won a slight majority in the Moldovan Parliament and managed to set up a four party ruling coalition. However, as a result of failing to elect a President, Moldova is facing another round of parliamentary elections in 2010. Obviously, in one year no one can do much and reset a totally deformed and corrupt state system. Regretfully, the young inexperienced alliance has made a lot of mistakes, which disappointed much of the population and may cost the young democrats dare soon, as rumors about a comeback of the communists, or at least a kind of a center-left coalition, loom.

Putting aside poor social-economic decisions, inability to provide clear solutions (except for only getting lots of foreign aid), difficulty to find consensus on each serious issue inside the four-party coalition, another quite serious problem for the democrats is their inability to eliminate the bad blood from the old system, which poisons the revival process of a new healthy democracy. Without removing this poison, the coalition will never succeed and will actually fail.

Among various issues to be cleared is the question about who and what stood behind the violence from April 7, 2009? Former dethroned rulers are successfully implying that those events were an attempt of a putsch, supported from outside, which casts a black shadow of illegitimacy and anti-democracy over the current ruling alliance.

Was it really a coup d’état?

If we take into account the classic Leninist features of a coup - seizure of the Government, Central Bank, Central Post Office (or now, probably, National TV), or apply typical “African” scenarios when army leaders take power in their hands - then we don’t have any grounds for naming the April 2009 events in Kishinev a putsch. Democratic leaders were peacefully standing in front of the Government, no one has been trying to seize National TV or Central Bank, or call the National Army to an uprising. All what young protesters wanted and shouted for was to re-count the ballots.

Another hard argument against a putsch is purely rational: the young opposition didn’t have a slightest chance to overthrow the communist rule, because it didn’t have sufficient strength and support in a country, where all forces have been under strict and heavy regime control of President Voronin. A few hundreds or even thousands of very young guys and girls are hardly resembling a revolutionary well organized and focused bolsheviks party of Lenin in October 1917. More than that, a putsch had never been in the interests of liberal opposition as a method to take the power in the country, as it would have immediately become illegitimate and hardly ever recognized by democratic Europe, which was in major lines quite supportive of Voronin’s regime.

And last, but far not least is the proof from the always killing logic of who had to gain most from those street peaceful demonstrations turned not simply violent, but also presented as a coup d’état attempt?

The liberal opposition had not a single serious reason to turn to violence and try a coup.

Whereas, the communist authorities knew well in advance about the planned opposition meeting and could have prepared a scenario, which we’ve witnessed. They had a lot to gain from such a scenario:

- it would have totally discredit the liberal opposition in front of the international community;

- it would have given communists another reason to declare that the country is in danger, and use this fact as a basis for further consolidation and holding of power;

- it would have given personally President Voronin another boost in popularity as a savior of the nation;

- it would have given another argument in accusing Romania of interference into Moldova’s affairs;

- it was a convenient way to launch a costly renovation of the Parliament and President’s office through affiliated structures (the speed of the “public tender” for almost 1 billion Moldovan Leis, which was won by the company of then Minister of Construction and other firms close to communists, impresses!).

If these logical arguments are not enough, ask yourself why all files from the state security service related to those events have been destroyed?!

Thus, we have some quite reasonable arguments above, we know for sure that there were hundreds of special “agents provocateurs” in the crowd, who started and supported the messy fight (even some policemen, who helped to deliver stones to their agents, were caught by cameras), we know for sure that raising a Romanian flag on the Parliament and President’s office was also done by an agent, and so on. Only about a month ago the current acting President Ghimpu has revealed chilling images of a cold-hearted killing of a young guy and shooting on the central square by police forces, and I am sure there are much more images caught by cameras from President’s HQ and the Parliament building. So, why in spite of quite obvious leads and facts, there is basically no progress in the investigations?

This is not a simple rhetoric question. This is currently one of the most important existential questions for Moldova, because without prior removing the poison and lies from the system, Moldova will be still ill for a long time.

One of the answers would be the fact that the current ruling coalition is holding the biggest part of the incriminating information for the coming election time. There is not much other achievements to be proud of, and the disappointment of the population about the new rulers is saddening.

Another answer is that those, who have to investigate are still under great influence of the previous regime. The legal and law-enforcement system strictly controlled by communists for 8 years cannot be uninstalled in half a year. More than that, both the General Prosecutors and State Security Service offices were the “quota” of the Democratic Party in the coalition power sharing agreement, and it is a well known fact that the current DP leader Mr.Marian Lupu was the powerful speaker of the communist Parliament from 2005 to 2009 and during the events of April 7, 2009, was standing together with President Voronin in his office and looking onto the fighting crowd beneath. Mr.Lupu is also implying that it has been a coup d’état, and it remains only to guess how the prosecution will succeed in its investigation.

Finally, another argument was delivered to me by a friend in Moldova, who said that there would be no real changes in the country until the political system itself won’t be adjusted to standard democratic practice and fundamental democratic principles of the West. The point is that first Putin in Russia has massively implemented a political system, in which all major roles have been given to colleagues from FSB. Then President Voronin applied the same approach in Moldova. Not to mention that before the collapse of the Soviet Union, most of the new emerging political parties have been manipulated and led by KGB agents.

In any system in any state special security services want to know everything, and this is normal. However, when something becomes an absolute, it often turns into absurdity. When special services want to control the prime positions and do everything to sustain such a status quo for years, they sacrifice other talents and in the end bring more destruction than progress. While in the same Baltic or some East European states they adopted a special law prohibiting former security agents to occupy high state positions and lead political parties, in Moldova for years such a law has been successfully blocked! If you are not a free politician, volens nolens you are a prisoner of the organization that promoted you, you are a double agent with a double and doubtful agenda. Thus, you cannot freely and openly promote change, which are really necessary but potentially would hurt the organization. I.e., sooner or later the interests of the organization will raise above the interests of the nation. One of the basic principles of a democratic state, i.e. ensuring civilian command over the military, gets distorted, and this brings lots of damage in the long run. In the worst case scenario, which we often witness in the FSU, it becomes a mafia style highly corrupted state, controlled by the security organization, which turns its public service into business.

Now you have enough inputs to connect the dots and will understand why nothing is really changing in Moldova for years. As former Prime Minister of Moldova, a prominent businessman and respected political personality Ion Sturza recently declared, in essence nothing has changed in Moldova since liberal coalition came to power, while the front has changed, the same business people and clans continue to stay behind and rule.

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